social media – Katrina Stuart Santiago

The events that unfolded at the Senate grounds on May 13 had me sitting and watching live feeds more than I usually need to: this is both the good and the bad of the present.

Live video feeds are great for credible media coverage that seek to show us what is unfolding, with whatever facts are available at that moment. Even with TV and radio, live coverage will have a particular audience that wants to know what is going on, even if undestanding it usually takes a while, given the multiple things happening beyond what a camera can capture. But media pieces these things together for us, given what information they have, and even as they go and try to get answers to questions that were left hanging — this has always been what credible media has done for the public. (It is also what pseudo-media content creators cannot do, even when they are given access to Malacañang and government events as the Rodrigo Duterte government did.)

Now, the Senators, going live on their Facebook pages — that part’s new, isn’t it? For whatever reason, for this particular incident, the newly-self-installed Duterte Senate majority’s impulse was to go live on their Facebook pages after they hear shots being fired. This is why they cannot fault any of us for wondering about what really happened here. There was nothing normal about Senators going live on Facebook after an incident like this one, as opposed to, say, waiting for security to declare the whole building as safe, step out with dignity from the Office of the Senate President, and tell the people what they know so far about the incident.

Instead, what we got was a particular way of framing the incident. APCayetano’s “the Senate is under attack” and Imee Marcos’s “Senate siege”, while they were in darkness inside the Office of the SP was in stark contrast with the bright lights right outside, in the halls of the Senate, where the Office of the Senate Sergeant-At-Arms and other Senate security simply asked media to move farther away from where the shots were being fired, and the media scrambled to find hiding places while figuring out what was happening. While the Mark Villar said they were “trapped” — we were seeing movement right outside.

The impulse to do a timeline was borne precisely of this stark difference between how the Duterte Senate majority was framing the incident, and what it was we were actually seeing, thanks to credible media practitioners. Because you know what fear looks like, and it is in those members of the media who were experiencing this first hand, with no protections, right at the other end of the hallway where shots were being fired. The Duterte Senators, meanwhile, were framing the gunshots as “an attack” or a “siege” while also bringing into the discussion the articles of impeachment being delivered (the Senate majority were “told” it was being delivered that’s why they were there), the flood control cases (“flood control na naman ba?” asked Imee Marcos), and saying that “some” people were told to leave but they were left there (according to Cayetano, Legarda and the Senate Secretary received warnings about “magkakagulo diyan”; and that their team saw the staff of other minority senators leaving). All those additional … things … just don’t make this purportedly “trapped” majority any more credible than they were on Monday, when they decided to harbour a fugitive-Senator and take over the Senate that was set to receive the Vice President’s Articles of Impeachment. (more…)

There are many reasons to be entertained by the news that Rodrigo Duterte’s legal defense has decided to request that the International Criminal Court (ICC) “adjourn hearing indefinitely” because he is “not fit to stand trial.”

It is especially entertaining if one considers that for the past six months since his arrest, and since the family has been able to visit Duterte at the ICC Detention Center in the Hague, visiting family members have consistently stepped out to talk to the crowd, big and small, on what they call Duterte Street. And each and every time, they reassure this people: Duterte is okay.

If you’re on the Tiktok algorithm of the Dutertes, this is in fact what props it up. With the Vice President away from the Philippines most of the time, and her brothers not really worth any media coverage, what is here is massive content on Duterte based on updates from these family visits. And at no time did it seem like he has “cognitive impairment in multiple domains” that would make him unfit for anything at all.

During the June 2025 visits of Congressman Paolo Duterte, the image painted of the old man Duterte was of someone who has all his mental faculties together. According to Pulong, on June 16, Duterte had this message for his followers who were waiting outside the detention center: “Alagaan ang Pilipinas, alagaan ang mga Pilipino. Kaming mga pulitiko dadaan lang, ang importante bumuti ang Pilipinas during their time.” (Take care of the Philippines, take care of Filipinos. We politicians will be passing through, the important thing is to make sure the country become better during our time.)

And while both Pulong and his sister Vice President Sara Duterte would talk about how thin their father had become, the narrative was also consistent: thin, but okay.

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What is the size of a controversy? And how is a story magnified, amplified, expanded at this time when anyone at all can manufacture digital noise, generate so much content that it will make it to our newsfeeds despite our algorithmic bubbles?

The Rodrigo Duterte presidency was a grand display of how government propagandists could make mountains out of molehills, be it about the purported achievements of their beloved president, or about his declared political enemies. We now know what it takes to keep any narrative going, where content is constantly and consistently generated to feed it, to repeat what is being said, until it starts moving on its own. Case in point: the criticism against the elite, the label of dilawan, the terrorista-komunista tag, and even, the label bobotante.

This, to me, is how we know for sure that even the worst, most baseless false narratives, when un-addressed and un-dealt with, can and will fester. To the point that there is no curing it—not with the truth, and certainly not with the tools that are familiar.

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The recent Pulse Asia survey that shows the high approval ratings of the Duterte father and daughter should be reason for alarm for those of us who are: (1) on the side of democracy and freedom, justice and accountability, and (2) honest enough to admit we live in real fear of having a Duterte Version 2.0 (ala Trump Version 2.0) in 2028.

The old man Duterte himself has said, as have their propagandists, that Sara is worse than her father. I tend to believe them all. After all, if there’s anything we now know for sure, while she might not have the same kind of “charm” that her father did, she has built a powerful woman vibe, the kind that gets away with saying she imagined beheading the President; or that she will have him, his wife, and his cousin conditionally assassinated; the kind that gets away with saying she wants a bloodbath. The kind that went on stage at various 2025 local campaign sorties to publicly take down, with photos and videos, those she considered as “enemy”.

That she has approval numbers like this despite an impeachment she deserves, as does her father jailed and on trial for crimes against humanity and the thousands killed in the drug war, should be reason for alarm—and urgent, focused, strategic action—if we care at all about our freedoms.

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It was difficult not to be transfixed, watching pro-Duterte social media personalities in the TriComm hearing respond to questions about things they have said, posted online, screencaps and all.

It was much like that meme called expectation vs reality. The expectation was for a grand display of arrogance, a show of force, from people whose voices and faces inundate political social media algorithms with their brand of incendiary commentary. This expectation is not unfounded: they had already shown a united front by ignoring the first invitations to attend this same inquiry, and they had seemed to quite enjoy the mainstream attention, including the support of people like veteran journalist Vergel Santos who believed, as Duterte social media personalities did, that the invitation in and by itself was a violation of the right to free speech.

The reality though was this: faced with screencaps of the things they’ve said recently on current issues, and questioned about the truth these opinions carry, they were cut down to size. There were raised voices, pleading and whining, and then calm, quiet engagement—and agreement—with the heightened elderly macho emotions of the dominantly male Committee. Apologies, forced and otherwise, were made; fear and harassment were invoked; vlogger tears fell.

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