Tag Archives: Liberal Party

I started 2021 with such hope in the possibility of gathering together the politicized generations X, millennial, and Z towards affecting 2022 election outcomes. I sent out documents, talked to people, revised the documents, talked to even more people and groups, and kept that hope going. The vision, many agreed, was wonderful. We want to talk platforms not personalities; we want to champion the issues that we think are important for 2022, list the demands that we want candidates to talk about and take a stand on, if they want our vote.

I had hoped that if the Filipinos in their 40s, (Generation X, the Martial Law generation) and younger (millennials, gen Z) could organize themselves into the monolith that they are, proven as that is by the fact of our having risen to the occasion of the most vulnerable during the lockdowns last year, then all other generations (hey boomers!), and sectors (business sector, NGOs and CSOs, the Church, the schools) would have no choice but to listen, and join in.

I had thought that this was the perfect time, when so many of us in the middle have been politicized by the past pandemic year, and when it is clear that we have much to unite on not just among ourselves but especially and more importantly, with the masses. We have all suffered in this pandemic and under this governance. There is no reason to imagine we cannot unite on that.

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To say that this year’s Independence Day was the most difficult one to experience would be an understatement. That it was riddled with friends from across the political spectrum sending me messages asking about what the hell is going on, where are we going, what are we doing—asked with equal parts dismay and disgust—is as one expects if you have friends like mine who are not delusional about 2022.

And I do think that there are many many of us who can see what is wrong with what is currently happening on our side of the fence, just as there are many of us who can tell that so far what it’s looking like is that we’re going to repeat the mistakes of 2016 and 2019, where elitism, blindness, divisiveness on our side played a huge part in losing the elections to Duterte and his people.

But 2022 can only be worse. Because we now know that this divide is a huge gaping hole when we consider how it disenfranchises the majority of voters who will—as surveys show—go for other candidates.

We all know by now that we are doomed to repeat things we do not learn from. (more…)

I did not vote for Mar Roxas in 2016, though I did vote for Kiko Pangilinan, Risa Hontiveros, and Leila de Lima, as I did for Bam Aquino in 2013. I didn’t campaign publicly for any of them. In fact the only person I publicly campaigned for in 2016 was Neri Colmenares. Given short memories, it bears repeating that I was heavily critical of the Liberal Party government of Noynoy Aquino. I thought that there was an undercurrent of elitism with which the governance operated, and this revealed itself slowly but surely throughout the six years, in policies, in actions (or lack thereof), and often from the mouth of PNoy himself, sometimes of his Cabinet members. I thought it problematic that they equated social media noise and traction with public opinion; I thought they enabled entities like Rappler to earn from, build upon, false notions of wisdom-of-the-crowd. Information dissemination and transparency were fantastic though, and I miss it terribly now.

It seems like years ago, doesn’t it? An administration like Duterte’s can make us feel this way, with just a little over two years of suffering. This is a governance of chaos-by-design, of disinformation and lies, of destruction and distractions, of literal and figurative violence. It’s exhausting to be critical because nothing is going right, and we are kept in the dark about what exactly is going on. Two years in and there’s still no clear platform for governance, and certainly no clear vision. A constant: Duterte’s rhetoric of violence and vitriol, half the time hyperbole, the other half lies, which we’re told by his men we shouldn’t take seriously. Other constants: incompetence from inflation to traffic to food crises; and Duterte’s threats to leave his post, from letting a military junta take over to declaring a revolutionary government, to railroading charter change and federalism in Congress.

The current state of the nation is enough to build a campaign versus Duterte in the 2019 elections. We know that the more non-Duterte Senators and House Reps there are, the bigger the chances that the people will be represented instead of silenced in Congress, the lesser the chances of any anti-people Duterte law being railroaded. Those of us who might be critical of LP should know it’s time to set those concerns aside for the bigger picture, the more urgent task.    (more…)

It’s become more and more unbelievable, more and more absurd, as Duterte’s military men try to build a narrative plot for what they insist is a destabilization project against the government, one that is also about ousting the President.

Interestingly enough, while they get media mileage for this equally hilarious and dangerous exercise, the nation is falling deeper into crisis — and it’s forecast to get worse. But instead of actually working on this crisis, government is using media mileage to talk about the purported Red October plot. On the surface, this is nothing but the Duterte government trying (and failing!) to use Marcos era tactics to sow fear, insisting that the Left and <insert government enemies here> are about to take over, so that at some point, government can create its own staged proof of destabilization, i.e., a car ambush ala Enrile, a bombing here, a bombing there, and what-have-you.

But we know better now. And the only way we CAN keep this manufactured plot from gaining credibility with the public is to reveal it for what it is: another (failed!) Duterte strategy to create the conditions that would make his dictatorship acceptable and necessary. Certainly by listing down all these groups and people who are purportedly part of “a plot,” they also seek to discourage us all from speaking out.

An important fact about this government: we need to keep track of information that it spews out, because so much falls through the cracks, and it lives off manufactured noise. It’s only when we have a sense of how they’re spinning discourse that we can take a clear collective stance against these dictatorial moves. It’s also a way of stopping it before it escalates.

Here, what looks like the steps this government took towards its failed DIY ouster plot project.

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After Robin Padilla revealed on the second day of his Mocha-Uson-worthy performance at the Senate parking lot that in fact coup d’etat was in the air because it was the reason why “he” wanted to see Trillanes arrested, so many days after, the President himself confirms the same — in so many words, in his signature confused rhetoric and garbled messaging. Asked about his revocation of Trillanes’ amnesty and whether there was a need to do a loyalty check on the military since Trillanes is a military man, Duterte got to this point after a page of transcribed answers:

But itong mga intriga na kudeta-kudeta, look, I am here to enforce the law. ‘Yung kay Trillanes, alam mo ang totoo niyan ang nag-research, si Calida, just like kay Sereno. He was the one who was…

Uh, no, Mr. President, no one asked you about a coup d’etat. But we get that it’s in your head. If we are to be optimistic, it means there is in fact the possibility of pushback from the military. If I am going to be optimistic, a nationalist military that will stand with the people against you, because: killings and wars, flouting our laws, installation of your own elite and oligarchs, the lack of transparency and accountability, inflation and the manufactured crisis of imported rice and galunggong.

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